Springfield, Aug: 24, 1855
Dear
Speed:
You know what a poor correspondent I am. Ever since I
received your very agreeable letter of the 22nd. of May I have been intending
to write you in answer to it. You suggest that in political action now, you and
I would differ. I suppose we would; not quite as much, however, as you may
think. You know I dislike slavery; and you fully admit the abstract wrong of
it. So far there is no cause of difference. But you say that sooner than yield
your legal right to the slave---especially at the bidding of those who are not
themselves interested, you would see the Union dissolved. I am not aware that any one is bidding you to yield that right; very certainly
I am not. I leave that matter entirely to yourself.
I also acknowledge your rights and my obligations, under the constitution, in regard to your
slaves. I confess I hate to see the poor creatures hunted down, and caught, and
carried back to their stripes, and unrewarded toils; but I bite my lip and keep
quiet. In 1841 you and I had together a tedious low-water trip, on a Steam Boat
from Louisville to St. Louis. You may remember, as I well do, that from
Louisville to the mouth of the Ohio there were, on board, ten or a dozen
slaves, shackled together with irons. [2]
That sight was a continual torment to me; and I see something like it every
time I touch the Ohio, or any other slave-border. It is hardly fair for you to
assume, that I have no interest in a thing which has, and continually
exercises, the power of making me miserable. You ought rather to appreciate how
much the great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order
to maintain their loyalty to the constitution and the Union.
I do oppose the extension of slavery, because my judgment
and feelings so prompt me; and I am under no obligation to the contrary. If for
this you and I must differ, differ we must. You say if you were President, you
would send an army and hang the leaders of the Missouri outrages upon the
Kansas elections; still, if Kansas fairly votes herself a slave state, she must
be admitted, or the Union must be dissolved. But how if she votes herself a
slave state unfairly---that is, by the very means
for which you say you would hang men? Must she still be admitted, or the Union
be dissolved? That will be the phase of the question when it first becomes a
practical one. In your assumption that there may be a fair
decision of the slavery question in Kansas, I plainly see you and I would
differ about the Nebraska-law. I look upon that enactment not as a law, but as violence from the
beginning. It was conceived in violence, passed in violence, is maintained in
violence, and is being executed in violence. I say it was conceived
in violence, because the destruction of the Missouri Compromise, under the
circumstances, was nothing less than violence. It was passed
in violence, because it could not have passed at all but for the votes of many
members, in violent disregard of the known will of their constituents. It is maintained in violence because the elections since,
clearly demand it's repeal, and this demand is openly disregarded. You say men ought to be hung for the way they are
executing that law; and I say the way it is being
executed is quite as good as any of its antecedents. It is being executed in
the precise way which was intended from the first; else why does no Nebraska
man express astonishment or condemnation? Poor Reeder [3]
is the only public man who has been silly enough to believe that any thing like
fairness was ever intended; and he has been bravely undeceived.
That Kansas will form a Slave constitution, and, with it,
will ask to be admitted into the Union, I take to be an already settled
question; and so settled by the very means you so pointedly condemn. By every
principle of law, ever held by any court, North or South, every negro taken to
Kansas is free; yet in utter disregard of this---in the spirit of violence
merely---that beautiful Legislature gravely passes a law to hang men who shall
venture to inform a negro of his legal rights. This is the substance, and real
object of the law. If, like Haman, they should hang upon the gallows of their
own building, I shall not be among the mourners for their fate.
In my humble sphere, I shall advocate the restoration of
the Missouri Compromise, so long as Kansas remains a territory; and when, by
all these foul means, it seeks to come into the Union as a Slave-state, I shall
oppose it. I am very loth, in any case, to withhold my assent to the enjoyment
of property acquired, or located,
in good faith; but I do not admit that good faith,
in taking a negro to Kansas, to be held in slavery, is a possibility
with any man. Any man who has sense enough to be the controller of his own
property, has too much sense to misunderstand the outrageous character of this
whole Nebraska business. But I digress. In my opposition to the admission of
Kansas I shall have some company; but we may be beaten. If we are, I shall not,
on that account, attempt to dissolve the Union. On the contrary, if we succeed,
there will be enough of us to take care of the Union. I think it probable,
however, we shall be beaten. Standing as a unit among yourselves, you can,
directly, and indirectly, bribe enough of our men to carry the day---as you
could on an open proposition to establish monarchy. Get hold of some man in the
North, whose position and ability is such, that he can make the support of your
measure---whatever it may be---a democratic party necessity,
and the thing is done. Appropos of this, let me tell
you an anecdote. Douglas introduced the Nebraska bill in January. In February
afterwards, there was a call session of the Illinois Legislature. Of the one
hundred members composing the two branches of that body, about seventy were
democrats. These latter held a caucus, in which the Nebraska bill was talked
of, if not formally discussed. It was thereby discovered that just three, and
no more, were in favor of the measure. In a day or two Douglas' orders came on
to have resolutions passed approving the bill; and they were passed by large
majorities!!! The truth of this is vouched for by a bolting democratic member.
The masses too, democratic as well as whig, were even, nearer unanamous against
it; but as soon as the party necessity of supporting it, became apparent, the
way the democracy began to see the wisdom and justice of it, was perfectly astonishing.
You say if Kansas fairly votes herself a free state, as a
christian you will rather rejoice at it. All decent slave-holders talk that way; and I do not doubt their candor. But they
never vote that way. Although in a private letter,
or conversation, you will express your preference that Kansas shall be free,
you would vote for no man for Congress who would say the same thing publicly.
No such man could be elected from any district in any slave-state. You think
Stringfellow & Co [4]
ought to be hung; and yet, at the next presidential election you will vote for
the exact type and representative of Stringfellow. The slave-breeders and
slave-traders, are a small, odious and detested class, among you; and yet in
politics, they dictate the course of all of you, and are as completely your
masters, as you are the masters of your own negroes.
You enquire where I now stand. That is a disputed point. I
think
I am a whig; but others say there are no whigs, and that I
am an abolitionist. When I was at Washington I voted for the Wilmot Proviso as
good as forty times, and I never heard of any one attempting to unwhig me for
that. I now do no more than oppose the extension of
slavery.
I am not a Know-Nothing. That is certain. How could I be? How
can any one who abhors the oppression of negroes, be in favor of degrading
classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to be pretty
rapid. As a nation, we began by declaring that ``all men
are created equal.'' We now practically read it ``all men are created
equal, except negroes.'' When the Know-Nothings get
control, it will read ``all men are created equal, except negroes, and foreigners, and catholics.'' When it comes to this I
should prefer emigrating to some country where they make no pretence of loving
liberty---to Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and
without the base alloy of hypocracy.
Mary will probably pass a day or two in Louisville in
October. My kindest regards to Mrs. Speed. On the leading subject of this
letter, I have more of her sympathy than I have of yours.
And yet let [me] say I am Your friend forever
A. LINCOLN---
Source: Basler, Collected
Works, Vol. II, pp. 320-323. [Downloaded
5/3/15 from http://quod.lib.umich.edu/l/lincoln/]
