“There is no grievance that is a fit object
of redress by mob law. In any case that
arises, as for instance, the promulgation of abolitionism, one of two positions
is necessarily true; that is, the thing is right within itself, and therefore
deserves the protection of all law and all good citizens; or, it is wrong, and
therefore proper to be prohibited by legal enactments; and in neither case, is
the interposition of mob law, either necessary, justifiable, or excusable.”[1]
- Abraham Lincoln, speech at Young Men’s
Lyceum in Springfield, Illinois, January 27, 1837
“They believe that institution of slavery is
founded on both injustice and bad policy; but that the promulgation of
abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than to abate its evils. They believe that the congress of the United
States has no power, under the constitution, to interfere with the institution
of slavery in the different States. They
believe that the Congress of the United States has the power, under the
constitution, to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia; but that that
power ought not to be exercised unless at the request of the people of said
District. The difference between these
opinions and those contained in the said resolutions, is their reason for
entering this protest.”
- Abraham Lincoln and Dan Stone, Illinois State
Representatives, March 3, 1837, in protest of anti-abolitionist resolution adopted by State
legislature on January 20
“Having been led to allude to domestic
slavery so frequently already, I am unwilling to close without referring more particularly
to Mr. Clay's views and conduct in regard to it. He ever was, on principle and
in feeling, opposed to slavery. The very earliest, and one of the latest public
efforts of his life, separated by a period of more than fifty years, were both
made in favor of gradual emancipation of the slaves in Kentucky. He did not
perceive, that on a question of human right, the negroes were to be excepted
from the human race. And yet Mr. Clay was the owner of slaves. Cast into life
where slavery was already widely spread and deeply seated, he did not perceive,
as I think no wise man has perceived, how it could be at once eradicated, without producing a greater evil, even to the cause of
human liberty itself. His feeling and his judgment, therefore, ever led him to
oppose both extremes of opinion on the subject.”
- Abraham Lincoln, eulogy for Henry Clay,
July 6, 1852
“What
natural right requires Kansas and Nebraska to be opened to Slavery? Is not
slavery universally granted to be, in the abstract, a gross outrage on the law
of nature? Have not all civilized nations, our own among them, made the Slave
trade capital, and classed it with piracy and murder? Is it not held to be the
great wrong of the world? Do not the Southern people, the Slaveholders
themselves, spurn the domestic slave dealer, refuse to associate with him, or
let their families associate with his family, as long as the taint of his
infamous calling is known? Shall that
institution, which carries a rot and a murrain in it, claim any right, by the
law of nature, to stand by the side of Freedom, on a Soil that is free?”[2]
- Abraham Lincoln, speech in
Springfield, Illinois, October 4, 1854
“My
ancient faith teaches me that ‘all men are created equal;’ and that there can
be no moral right in connection with one man's making a slave of another.”
- Abraham Lincoln, speech in Peoria,
Illinois, October 16, 1854, against the Kansas-Nebraska Act
“This declared indifference,
but as I must think, covert real zeal for the spread of slavery, I can not but hate. I hate
it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it
deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world---enables
the enemies of free institutions, with plausibility, to taunt us as
hypocrites---causes the real friends of freedom to doubt our sincerity, and
especially because it forces so many really good men amongst ourselves into an
open war with the very fundamental principles of civil liberty---criticising
the Declaration of Independence, and insisting that there is no right principle
of action but self-interest…. If all earthly
power were given me, I should not know what to do, as to the existing
institution. My first impulse would be to free all the slaves, and send them to
Liberia,---to their own native land. But a moment's reflection would convince
me, that whatever of high hope, (as I think there is) there may be in this, in
the long run, its sudden execution is impossible. ... What then? Free them all,
and keep them among us as underlings? Is it quite certain that this betters
their condition? … What next? Free them, and make them politically and socially,
our equals? My own feelings will not admit of this; and if mine would, we well
know that those of the great mass of white people will not. Whether this
feeling accords with justice and sound judgment, is not the sole question, if
indeed, it is any part of it. A universal feeling, whether well or ill-founded,
can not be safely disregarded. We can not, then, make them equals. It does seem
to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their
tardiness in this, I will not undertake to judge our brethren of the south. …
The doctrine of self government is right---absolutely and eternally right---but
it has no just application, as here attempted. Or perhaps I should rather say
that whether it has such just application depends upon whether a negro is not or is a man. … [If] the negro is a man, is it not to that extent, a total destruction of
self-government, to say that he too shall not govern himself? When the white
man governs himself that is self-government; but when he governs himself, and also
governs another man … that is
despotism. If the negro is a man, why then my ancient faith teaches me that ‘all men are
created equal;’ and that there can be no moral right in connection with one
man's making a slave of another. … Our republican robe is soiled, and trailed
in the dust. Let us repurify it. … Let us turn slavery from its claims of
‘moral right,’ back upon its existing legal rights, and its arguments of
‘necessity.’ Let us return it to the position our fathers gave it; and there
let it rest in peace. Let us re-adopt the Declaration of Independence, and with
it, the practices, and policy, which harmonize with it. Let north and
south---let all Americans---let all lovers of liberty everywhere---join in the
great and good work. If we do this, we shall not only have saved the Union; but
we shall have so saved it, as to make, and to keep it, forever worthy of the
saving.”[3]
- Abraham Lincoln, speech in Peoria,
Illinois, October 16, 1854, against the Kansas-Nebraska Act
“You know I dislike slavery…. I confess I
hate to see the poor creatures hunted down, and caught, and carried back to
their stripes, and unrewarded toils; but I bite my lip and keep quiet. … You may
remember, as I well do, that … there were, on board, ten or a dozen slaves,
shackled together with irons. The sight
was a continual torment to me; and I see it something like every time I touch
the Ohio, or any other slave-border. … You ought … to appreciate how much the
great body of the Northern people do crucify their feelings, in order to
maintain their loyalty to the constitution and the Union. I do oppose the extension
of slavery, because my judgment and feelings so prompt me… The slave-breeders
and slave-traders, are a small, odious and detested class, among you...”[4]
- Abraham Lincoln, August 24, 1855, letter
to Joshua Speed
“You enquire where I now stand. That is a disputed point. I think I am a whig; but others say there are
no whigs, and that I am an abolitionist. … I now do no more than oppose the
extension of slavery. I am not a
Know-Nothing. That is certain. How could I be? How can any one who abhors the oppression of
negroes, be in favor of degrading classes of white people? Our progress in degeneracy appears to me to
be pretty rapid. As a nation, we began
by declaring that “all men are created equal.” We now practically read it,
“all men are created equal, except negroes.” When the Know-Nothings get
control, it will read ‘all men are created equal, except negroes, and
foreigners, and catholics.’ When it comes to this I should prefer
emigrating to some country where they make no pretense of loving liberty—to
Russia, for instance, where despotism can be taken pure, and without the base
alloy of hypocracy.”[5]
- Abraham Lincoln, 1855, in a letter to
Joshua Speed
“A fine example was presented on board the
boat for contemplating the effect of condition upon human happiness. … [The
slaves] were chained six and six
together. A small iron clevis was around
the left wrist of each, and this was fastened to the main chain by a shorter
one at a convenient distance from the others; so that the negroes were strung
together precisely like so many fish upon a trot-line. In this condition they were being separated
forever from the scenes of their childhood, their friends, their fathers and
mothers, and brothers and sisters, and many of them, from their wives and
children, and going into perpetual slavery where the lash of the master is
proverbially more ruthless and unrelenting than any other where; and yet amid
all these distressing circumstances, as we would think of them, they were the
most cheerful and apparently happy creatures on board. … How true it is that
God … renders the worst of human conditions tolerable, while He permits the
best, to be nothing better than tolerable.”[6]
- Abraham Lincoln, 1855, in a letter to
Mary Speed
“That Spirit which desired the peaceful
extinction of slavery, has itself become extinct… The autocrat of all the
Russias will resign his crown, and proclaim his subjects free republicans
sooner than will our American Masters voluntarily give up their slaves.”[7]
- Abraham Lincoln, 1855
“Not even
you are more anxious to prevent the
extension of slavery than I …. Of their [No Nothing Party] principles I think
little better than I do of those of the slavery extensionists. Indeed I do not perceive how any one
professing to be sensitive to the wrongs of the negroes, can join in a league
to degrade a class of white men.”[8]
- Abraham Lincoln, August 11, 1855, in letter
to abolitionist friend Owen Lovejoy
“All the powers of earth seem rapidly
combining against him. Mammon is after
him; ambition follows, and philosophy follows, and the Theology of the day is
fast joining the cry. They have him in
his prison house; they have searched his person, and left no prying instrument
with him. One after another they have
closed the heavy iron doors upon him, and now they have him, as it were, bolted
in with a lock of a hundred keys, which can never be unlocked without the
concurrence of every key; the keys in the hands of a hundred different men, and
they scattered to a hundred different and distant places; and they stand musing
as to what invention, in all the dominions of mind and matter, can be produced
to make the impossibility of his escape more complete than it is.”[9]
- Abraham Lincoln, in speech on June 26,
1857, in Springfield, Illinois, referring to the effect of the Dred Scott
Supreme Court decision and its effect on Blacks
“I think the authors of that notable
instrument intended to include all men, but they did not intend to declare all
men equal in all respects. They did not mean to say all were equal in
color, size, intellect, moral development, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinctness, in
what respects they did consider all men created equal—equal in ‘certain
inalienable rights, among which were life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness.’ … They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which
should be familiar to all, and revered by all; constantly looked to, constantly
labored for, and even though never perfectly attained, constantly approximated,
and thereby constantly spreading and deepening its influence.”[10]
- Abraham Lincoln, in speech on June 26,
1857, in Springfield, Illinois, referring to the Declaration of Independence
“I will say then that I am not, nor ever have
been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of
the white and black races,--that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making
voters or jurors of negroes, nor of qualifying them to hold office, nor to
inter-marry with white people; and I will say in addition to this that there is
a physical difference between the white and black races which I believe will
for ever forbid the two races living together on terms of social and political
equality. And inasmuch as they cannot so
live, while they do remain together there must be the position of superior and
inferior, and I as much as any other man am in favor of having the superior
position assigned to the white race.”[11]
- Abraham Lincoln, fourth
Lincoln-Douglas debate in Charleston, Illinois, 1858
“A house divided against itself cannot
stand. I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to
be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect it will cease to be
divided.”[12]
- Abraham Lincoln, June 16, 1858, in
speech after being nominated as Republican Senatorial candidate for Illinois
“I think
the Negro is included in the word ‘men’ used in the Declaration
of Independence.”
- Abraham Lincoln, August 3, 1858, in a letter to Republican candidate David Davis[13]
“[The Democratic
Party wants to] dehumanize the negro—to
take away from him the right of ever striving to be a man … to make property,
and nothing but property of the Negro in all the states of this Union. … That is the real issue. That is the issue that will continue in this
country when these poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be
silent. It is the eternal struggle
between these two principles—right and wrong—throughout the world. … The one is
the common right of humanity and the other the divine right of kings. … It is
the same spirit that says, ‘You work and toil and earn bread, and I’ll eat
it.’ No matter in what shape it comes,
whether from the mouth of a king who seeks to bestride the people of his own
nation and live by the fruit of their labor, or from one race of men as an
apology for enslaving another race, it is the same tyrannical principle.”[14]
- Abraham Lincoln, seventh and final
Lincoln-Douglas debate, in Alton, Illinois, October 1858
“It does not stop with the negro. … So I say
in relation to the principle that all men are created equal, let it be as
nearly reached as we can. … Let us discard all this quibbling about this man
and the other man—this race and that race and the other race being inferior,
and therefore they must be placed in an inferior position. … Let us discard all
these things, and unite as one people throughout this land, until we shall once
more stand up declaring that all men are created equal. … I leave you, hoping
that the lamp of liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer
be a doubt that all men are created free and equal.”[15]
- Abraham Lincoln, speech in Chicago,
Illinois, 1860, referring to equality as stated in the Declaration of
Independence
“I have always hated slavery I think as much
as any abolitionist.”
- Abraham Lincoln, speech in Chicago,
Illinois, 1860
“Let there be no compromise on the question
of extending slavery. If there be, all our labor is lost, and, ere
long, must be done again… The tug has to come & better now, than any time
hereafter.”[16]
- Abraham Lincoln, U.S. President-Elect,
December 10, 1860
“You think slavery is right and ought to be extended;
we think it is wrong and ought to be restricted. For this, neither has any just occasion to be
angry with the other.”[17]
- Abraham Lincoln, U.S. President-Elect,
December 15, 1860, written to Congressman John Gilmer, of North Carolina
“Now we are told in advance, the government
shall be broken up, unless we surrender to those we have beaten, before we take
the offices… If we surrender, it is the end of us, and of the government.”[18]
- Abraham Lincoln, U.S. President-Elect,
January 11, 1861,
“I hold, that in contemplation of universal
law, and of the Constitution, the Union of these States is perpetual. …It
follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can lawfully
get out of the Union,--that resolves
and ordnances to that effect are
legally void;… I therefore consider that in view of the Constitution and the
laws, the Union is unbroken; and, to the extent of my ability, I shall take
care,… that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed in all the States. …
In doing this there needs to be no bloodshed or violence; and there shall be
none unless it be forced upon the national authority. … One section of our
country believes slavery is right,
and ought to be extended, while the other believes it is wrong, and ought not to be extended. … I have no purpose… to interfere
with the institution of slavery… In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen,
and not mine, is the momentous issue
of civil war. The government will not assail you. You
can have no conflict, without being yourselves the aggressors. You
have no oath registered in Heaven to destroy the government, while I shall have the most solemn one to
‘preserve, protect and defend’ it.”[19]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
in his inaugural address in Washington City, March 4, 1861
“My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and it is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could
save it by freeing some and leaving others
alone I would also do that.”[20]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
August 22, 1862, in response to Horace Greeley’s editorial, “A Prayer of Twenty
Millions,” which had called for immediate emancipation of slaves
“It is my earnest desire to know the will of
Providence in this matter. And if I
can learn what it is I will do it! ... I
view the matter as a practical war measure, to be decided upon according to the
advantages or disadvantages it may offer to the suppression of the rebellion.”[21]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
September 13, 1862, in reply to delegation from Chicago advocating for national
emancipation of slaves
“On the first day of January in the year of
our Lord, one thousand eight hundred sixty-three, all persons held as slaves,
within any state, or designated part of a state, the people whereof shall be in
rebellion against the United States, shall be then, thenceforward, and forever
free.”
- Preliminary Emancipation Proclamation, announced
September 22, 1862
“What I did, I did after full deliberation,
and under a very heavy and solemn sense of responsibility. I can only trust in God I have made no
mistake.”[22]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
September 24, 1862, to crowd gathered at presidential executive mansion in
honor of the issuing of the preliminary Emancipation Proclamation
“As our case is new, so we must think anew,
and act anew. We must disenthrall
ourselves, and then we shall save our country.
Fellow-citizens, we cannot
escape history. We of this Congress and
this administration, will be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal
significance, or insignificance, can spare one or another of us. The fiery
trial through which we pass, will light us down, in honor or dishonor, to the
latest generation. We say we are for
the Union. The world will not forget that we say this. We know how to save the
Union. The world knows we do know how to save it. We -- even we here -- hold the power, and bear the
responsibility. In giving freedom to the slave, we assure freedom to the free—honorable alike in what we give,
and what we preserve. We shall nobly
save, or meanly lose, the last best, hope of earth.”[23]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
December 1, 1862, in State of the Union message to Congress, in support of a
scheme of compensated emancipation
“And
by virtue of the power, and for the purpose aforesaid, I do order and declare
that all persons held as slaves within said designated States, and parts of
States, are, and henceforward shall be free; and that the Executive government
of the United States, including the military and naval authorities thereof,
will recognize and maintain the freedom of said persons.
“And I hereby enjoin upon the people
so declared to be free to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary
self-defence; and I recommend to them that, in all cases when allowed, they
labor faithfully for reasonable wages.
“And I further declare and make
known, that such persons of suitable condition, will be received into the armed
service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other
places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service.
“And upon this act, sincerely
believed to be an act of justice, warranted by the Constitution, upon military
necessity, I invoke the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious favor
of Almighty God.”
- Emancipation
Proclamation, signed by President Lincoln at noon on New Year’s Day 1863 in the cabinet room
“[The U.S.
government will] give the same protection to all its soldiers, and if the
enemy shall sell or enslave anyone because of his color, the offense shall be
punished by retaliation upon the enemy’s prisoners in our possession.”[24]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
July 30, 1863, after Confederate government threatens to kill captured U.S. Colored
Troops
“[I am] an
anti-slavery man… For my part I think I
shall not, in any event, retract the Emancipation Proclamation; nor, as
executive, even return to slavery any person who is free by the terms of that proclamation,
or by any of the acts of Congress.”[25]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
August 5, 1863, written to Union General Nathaniel Banks
“[Colored
troops are] a resource which, if vigorously applied now, will soon close the
contest.”[26]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
August 9, 1863, written to General Grant
“I shall
not attempt to retract or modify the emancipation proclamation…”[27]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
December 20, 1863, to abolitionist official of the Massachusetts
Anti-Slavery Society
“I congratulate you on having fixed your name
in history as the first-free-state Governor of Louisiana. Now you are about to have a Convention which,
among other things, will probably define the elective franchise. I barely suggest for your private consideration,
whether some of the colored people may not be let in—as, for instance, the very
intelligent, and especially those who have fought gallantly in our ranks. They would probably help, in some trying time
to come, to keep the jewel of liberty within the family of freedom.”[28]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
March 13, 1864, written to Louisiana Governor Michael Hahn
“It needs
not to be a secret, that I wish success to emancipation in Maryland. It would aid much to end the rebellion.”[29]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
March 17, 1864, written to Maryland Congressman John A. J. Creswell
“I never
knew a man who wished to be himself a slave.
Consider if you know any good thing, that no man desires for himself.”[30]
- President Abraham
Lincoln,
March 22, 1864
“I am
naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is
not wrong, nothing is wrong. I can not
remember when I did not so think, and feel.
And yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an
unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. … And I
aver that, to this day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my
abstract judgment and feeling on slavery. … I did understand however, that my
oath to preserve the constitution to the best of my ability, imposed upon me
the duty of preserving, by every indispensable means, that government—that
nation—of which that constitution was the organic law. … When, in March, and
May, and July 1862 I made earnest, and successive appeals to the border states
to favor compensated emancipation, I believed the indispensable necessity for
military emancipation, and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by that
measure. They declined the proposition;
and I was, in my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either
surrendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of laying strong hand
upon the colored element. I chose the
latter.”[31]
- Abraham Lincoln, April 4, 1864, in letter
to Kentucky
newspaper editor Albert G. Hodges
“Such
[an] amendment of the Constitution [as is] now proposed became a
fitting, and necessary conclusion to the final success of the Union cause.”[32]
- Abraham Lincoln, June 9, 1864, upon
being notified of his nomination for president, approving one of
the party platforms of a constitutional amendment to end slavery
“I wish
all men to be free. I wish the material
prosperity of the already free which I feel sure the extinction of slavery
would bring. I wish to see, in process
of disappearing, that only thing which ever could bring this nation to civil
war.”[33]
- Abraham Lincoln, October 10, 1864,
written to Henry W. Hoffman, referring to the adoption of a new Maryland state
constitution, which would prohibit slavery
“Article XIII,
Section 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within
the United States or any place subject to their jurisdiction. Section 2. Congress shall have the power to
enforce this article by appropriate legislation.”
- Thirteenth Amendment, forbidding
slavery in the U.S., passed by U.S. House of Representatives, January 31, 1865,
ratified in 1804
“One-eighth
of the whole population were colored slaves, not distributed generally over the
Union, but localized in the southern part of it. These slaves constituted a
peculiar and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was somehow the
cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the
object for which the insurgents would rend the Union even by war. … Fondly do
we hope, fervently do we pray, that this mighty scourge of war may speedily
pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the
bondsman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and
until every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn
with the sword. …
“With
malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God
gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to
bind up the nation's wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle
and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a
just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.”[34]
- Abraham Lincoln, March 4, 1865, Second
Inaugural Address
“Whenever [I]
hear any one, arguing for slavery I feel a strong impulse to see it tried on
him personally.”[35]
- Abraham Lincoln, March 17, 1865, in
speech to Union Army regiment
“Don’t
kneel to me. You must kneel to God only,
and thank him for the liberty you will enjoy hereafter.”[36]
- Abraham Lincoln, April 4, 1865, while
touring Richmond, to formerly enslaved individual who knelt at his feet
and blessed him
“I know
that I am free for I have seen Father Abraham and felt him.”[37]
- Black woman, April 4, 1865, Richmond,
to President Lincoln while kissing his hand
“Now he
belongs to the ages.”[38]
- Secretary of War
Edwin Stanton,
upon death of President Abraham Lincoln at 7:22 a.m. on April 15, 1865
[1]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. I;
Foner, p. 28.
[2]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. II, p.
245.
[3]
Basler, Collected Works, pp. 255-276;
Foner, pp. 66-69.
[4] Basler,
Collected Works, Vol. II, pp. 320-323;
Foner, p. 11; Miers, p. 167.
[5]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. II, pp.
322-323; Foner, p. 77.
[6]
Foner, pp. 11-12.
[7]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. II, p.
318.
[8] Basler,
Collected Works, Vol. II, p. 316.
[9]
Foner, p. 96.
[10]
Basler, Collected Works; Foner, pp.
96-97.
[11]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. III,
pp. 145-146.
[12]
Foner, pp. 99-103; Miers, p. 218.
[13]
Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln: His Book,
New York, 1903.
[14]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. II, pp.
225-226, 254-255; Foner, p. 109.
[15]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. II, pp.
487-501, Vol. III, pp. 254-255; Foner, p. 104.
[16]
Long, p. 10.
[17]
Long, p. 11.
[18]
Long, p. 25.
[19]
Long, p. 46; Foner; Miers, pp. 24-25.
[20]
Long, p. 254; Foner; Basler, Collected
Works, Vol. V, pp. 388-389.
[21] Basler,
Collected Works, Vol. V, pp. 419-425;
Miers, p. 139.
[22] Washington Star, September 24, 1862; Basler, Vol. V, pp. 438-439.
[23]
Basler, Collected Works, Vol. V, p.
537; Long, p. 292.
[24]
Long, p. 392.
[25]
Long, pp. 394-395.
[26]
Long, p. 396.
[27]
Long, p. 448.
[28]
Miers, p. 246.
[29]
Long, p. 467.
[30]
Long, p. 467.
[31]
Foner, pp. 297-298; Long, p. 481.
[32]
Long, p. 518.
[33]
Long, p. 582.
[34] Basler,
Collected Works, Vol. VIII, pp.
332-333.
[35]
Long, p. 653.
[36]
Long, p. 666.
[37]
Foner.
[38]
Long, p. 677; Miers, p. 330; Nicoly and Hay, X, p. 302.
